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“Dialogue with the female imams”
Meanwhile, Norway ’s Muslim community has denied that the new divorce law will serve any useful purpose. Its spokespeople have demanded that Muslims be allowed to resolve the problem themselves, by setting up a Sharia court or council that would handle divorce applications from Muslim women. Such an institution would, of course, consist of Muslim men, who would use ancient, anti-woman laws and customs as a basis for determining whether a women had, for example, undergone enough abuse to deserve an Islamic divorce. We had expected the Muslim community to propose the establishment of a Sharia court or council in Norway , but we were surprised when a spokesperson for the Norwegian government also supported the idea. We noted with pleasure, however, that members of the Norwegian Parliament, both left and right, reacted very negatively to the idea. We do not know whether this proposal is still being discussed.
Non-Western immigrant families are growing considerably in all of the European countries that accept immigrants. As a result of poor integration and lack of effective political action, several hundred thousand young people will be subjected to serious injustices, such as forced marriage, over the next few years. When we began to work on the issues of forced marriages connected with sex crimes, we understood intuitively that we were entering an area that could easily be seen as uncomfortable. Not least because girls who have undergone forced marriages have themselves said that, in their experience, the compulsion to marry was itself less distressing than the sexual degradation that followed. They had problems speaking about this – and they were sure that government authorities would kill the issue by silence. When we had worked through the issue and presented our analysis and proposals for government action, there was little reaction. Some newspapers reported on our work, but no public debate ensued. Then head of the Progress Party and one of Norway ’s most high-profile politicians, read our book and said the following to the media: “The Prime Minister stands and watches while Norwegian girls are being raped.”
Understandably enough, the statement was characterized by many as unserious, “populist,” and scandalous. For us, however, what was most interesting was that no politician or news medium came close to addressing the problem itself – namely, the fact that the consummation of a forced marriage involves, in almost every instance, the crime of rape. Since finishing the original Norwegian edition of this book, we have discovered that several countries in Europe have come significantly further than Norway in their consciousness of this.
In France , Germany , and England , authorities on forced marriage routinely underscore the close connection between it and rape. Yet in no country do the laws reflect an awareness of this connection. There are probably several reasons for this. One of them is a general lack of awareness of violations of the rights of girls and women, especially immigrant girls and women. Another is leaders’ fear of being suspected or accused of cultural imperialism if they place the issue on the political agenda. Yet another is the inability to see the whole picture of forced marriage – to recognize the full range of psychological, physical, sexual, and social elements involved. Given the deplorable lack of action by European public officians on this issue, effective response to it will continue to be dependent on action by individuals – including criminal prosecutions of parents and husbands. Until such action is taken on a wide scale, countless numbers of girls and women will continue to be raped while society at large closes its eyes.
Throughout most of Europe , integration policy is generally slapdash, lacking in a comprehensive strategy. Officials in charge of different areas of responsibility do not seem aware of one another’s plans and efforts. An illuminating example is provided by the project we are involved in now – a study of immigrant parents who send their children back to their homelands. Do such acts fall under the authority of the Ministry of Children and Family Affairs, since it involves the conditions under which children grow up? Or the Ministry of Justice and the Police, since it involves a possible denial of liberty? Or the Ministry of Education and Research, since it violates the Training Law? Or perhaps the Ministry of Local Government and Regional Development, since it involves questions of the child’s integration (which comes under that ministry’s jurisdiction)? Only one country in Europe – Denmark , of course – has established a Ministry of Integration. Certainly such a ministry is needed in many other countries as well. In Norway , two political parties have called for the establishment of such a department. In addition, a system of international cooperation in this field must be organized.
 This English edition of our book exists because its original Norwegian edition, in spite of language barriers, attracted considerable international attention (including coverage in newspapers from the Netherlands to Brazil ), as has our work generally. There is no way to interpret this widespread interest other than as a sign that there exists a great need for the perspective we provide, which moves beyond the dichotomy of racist vs. anti-racist, pro- vs. anti-immigration. The fear of being charged with racism has for too long silenced debate and prevented useful reflection on these issues. And it has made it difficult to do the work that is necessary to protect the dignity and human rights of children, young people, and women. Europe faces dire challenges on this front, and must confront them seriously and responsibly if democracy, as we know it, is to endure.
© Human Rights Service
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